I just got back from a two-day conference in Ottawa on Knowledge Management, sponsored by the Conference Board of Canada. The entire discipline is at a crossroads, and the discussion was urgent and intense. I have already written about where I think KM is headed:
What was eye-opening to me was the perspective of the substantial number of representatives from the public sector present at the meeting. I tend to think about KM in the context of large corporate and entrepreneurial environments, which I’m most familiar with, and how their information needs dovetail with those of individual citizens and consumers. But I often forget that public sector organizations have different needs, and it’s dangerous to assume that the answers that make sense in the private sector translate to not-for-profit organizations. So I decided to see if I could develop a Knowledge Management model that would work for any user, public or private, organization or individual. Models that focus on strategy, systems, information structures and value propositions didn’t work — they vary too much by organization type and size. I found only two bases for KM models that seem to apply ubiquitously: principles, and processes. I’ve addressed what I believe to be the ubiquitous principles of KM in a recent article, and will have more to say about that soon. But as I started to think about the processes of KM, I realized that we have been looking at it all wrong, from above, from a systems perspective, instead of from ground level, from an activity level. The best-known KM process models are Nonaka’s four-step ‘knowledge creation’ process — codification, enhancement, internalization, sharing — and the consultants’ megaprocess model — acquire, store, add value, apply/deploy. Show either of these models to a front-line worker or an individual citizen/consumer, and you’re likely to get either yawns or raised eyebrows. They just don’t describe in a meaningful way what people do — their ‘knowledge activities’. After a few hours’ research and discussion with some of my KM colleagues, I came up with this alternative model: I’ve never liked the term ‘Knowledge Management’, so having circumscribed the set of activities that KM was supposed to be about, I decided to ponder what would be a less presumptuous and more precise name for a discipline that would purport to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of how we do these things. It is broader than just ‘thinking’ or ‘information processing’ or ‘learning’, but narrower than ‘productivity’ (which can describe physical as well as intellectual activity). It has much to do with helping people carry out these activities better — enablement and facilitation and making work easier. There are no words for this in the English language, or any other language I’m familiar with, which is perhaps why the awful term Knowledge Management came to be used. How do you reduce making workers’ intellectual activities easier, and more effective to a couple of words? The best I can come up with is the clumsy ‘Intellectual Work Effectiveness Improvement Facilitation’, and since most work today is intellectual, and most of what support departments do is facilitation, we might drop the first and last words. But ‘Work Effectiveness Improvement’ is perilously close to the ’90s fad called Business Process/Performance Improvement (BPI, also known as Re-engineering). As noted above, KM has traditionally been about building and populating databases with useful content, creating portals — generally, making more information readily available. The consequence has often been to drown workers in hard-to-find information of dubious value just in case they should find themselves in a position to use it. We have actually made workers’ intellectual activities harder rather than easier, by presuming, top-down or back-office-to-front-lines, to understand what information they need, and how, when and why they need it. In a world where jobs are more and more specialized, and everyone’s information needs are increasingly unique, it’s not surprising that KM has failed to live up to its promise. If we were to start over again, with the mandate to help make people’s intellectual work (the 12 activities in the chart) easier and more effective, what would we do differently? Consultants will tell you there are four ways to make work more effective: Improve the tools, the information (content), the processes, or the behaviours. Tools have always been the primary domain of the IT people, and behaviours (culture) have always been the primary domain of the HR and Learning people. Re-engineering tried to focus on the processes, only to discover that standard business processes and procedures still exist only in a few highly-prescriptive jobs, most of which are subject to automation or offshoring. That left only content for the KM people to focus on, and they’ve done their best for a decade to improve the amount of information available to front-line workers, working with the IT and Learning people. But for the most part, the information people want either doesn’t exist, or is only valuable with the context of the person who provides it (most effectively communicated in conversations), so the plethora of massive new databases and information feeds are of limited use. What is the problem KM has been trying to solve? What problems do front-line workers have doing the 12 intellectual activities in the chart above? I surveyed the people of Ernst & Young about this three years ago, and here’s how some of them answered this question:
So if we started KM over again as Work Effectiveness Improvement (Drucker, who saw this as precisely the greatest business challenge of the 21st century, would surely approve), what would our ‘Job Description‘ look like, to address the eight problems above? Here’s a stab at it:
Ten years ago when I was first appointed Chief Knowledge Officer, one of my first tasks was to pull together my own job description. At the time, I did my best, but after reading all the hype about KM I fell victim to it — my job description was all about establishing a Knowledge Vision, Knowledge Strategy, developing Knowledge Infrastructure and Architecture, and changing Knowledge Culture from “knowledge hoarding to sharing, collaboration and innovation”. Pretty high-falutin’ stuff. It was fascinating, but ultimately futile, misdirected, overly ambitious, and endlessly frustrating. If I’d had the foresight to have put the six bullets above on my job description instead, it would certainly have raised lots of questions and eyebrows, but ultimately would have probably achieved much more substantial results, and made everyone happier, especially those poor, abused, neglected, front-line workers who, a decade later, are still waiting for the realization of KM’s extraordinary promise, and promises. If only they’d named me Chief Work Effectiveness Improvement Officer instead. |
May 31, 2004
CONFESSIONS OF A CKO: WHAT I SHOULD HAVE DONE
May 30, 2004
THINKING LIKE NATURE II: AMORY LOVINS RE-INVENTS CAPITALISM
The same day I posted my article about William McDonough, reader Brian Dear pointed out the work that Amory Lovins of the Rocky Mountain Institute has been doing in much the same vein. Lovins, with colleagues Paul Hawken and L. Hunter Lovins, wrote a (fully downloadable) book entitled Natural Capitalism that, like McDonough’s Cradle to Cradle, suggests pragmatic, creative ways for man to stave off environmental disaster by simply thinking and working better, more organically, with nature as the model. If McDonough’s bottom-line message was Learn from, and imitate, nature — nature knows how to design and build things right, everything recycled, zero waste, Lovins’ could be Shift the economy to recognize the inherent value of people and natural resources, and you can transform the world. While McDonough, the architect, is focused on physical design, Lovins, the economist, is focused on systems design. They are perfect complements, with similar, optimistic, “let’s get on with it” worldviews and concrete prescriptions for change, a refreshing change from the relentless pessimism in so many analyses of the world’s environmental problems.
You can get an excellent idea of Lovins’ prescription by reading the chapter summaries of his book online (I’m going to buy the whole book for my reference and “lending” library). Or, read the HBR summary, A Road Map for Natural Capitalism. Using case studies and small successes achieved already, the authors explain how each industry and each facet of the economy can be transformed by looking at it differently, more holistically, including the natural capital that we currently don’t value and waste, and step-by-step changing its operating principles, structure, strategy, practices, rewards and governance, and drawing on biologically inspired design principles. Everything in Lovins’ prescription is achievable, sensible, and consistent with looking at the economy and markets as a means of maximizing human well-being instead of wealth. But it is in the final chapters, where he takes on the environmental pessimists (like me) and the unrepentent markets-need-growth traditionalists, that I start to lose conviction that this prescription will do the job. After effectively destroying the myth that our economic markets are free and efficient, he describes ways (e.g. tax shifting, changing our measurements of success, encouraging risk and innovation, improving regulation and information) that we can reinvent markets, much as he proposed in earlier chapters how to reinvent industries. His ebullient description of the economic and cultural transformation of Curitiba, Brasil, by a succession of architect-mayors who have redesigned one of the world’s poorest and fast-growing cities into a city that works for people, is truly inspiring (anyone know if it’s really that successful?) But ultimately, the economy is designed the way it is to funnel power and wealth to those that have it and plan to keep it. It is not designed for efficiency, equity, fairness, and optimal distribution of resources — in fact, as the extent of poverty, famine, and destitution in a world where a small minority have unimaginable wealth demonstrates — political and social structures are designed to keep the status quo, to hoard resources, and to create and sustain inequitable distribution of wealth and power. Lovins suggests that the four groups in our political and economic systems: the blues (free-marketers), reds (socialists), greens (environmentalists), and whites (pragmatists), need to set aside their differences and opposing worldviews and respect the fact that each is partly right, and collaboratively assemble an “operating manual for Planet Earth”. If there was a more equitable distribution of the resources, power and knowledge needed to assemble such a manual, and if the population and average footprint of humans on this planet weren’t both catastrophically soaring, and if the horrendous consequences of these two realities (consequences like war, famine, global waming, epidemic disease, violence and crime, despair, hopelessness etc.) werren’t preoccupying all our time and attention, such a manual might be possible. But ultimately, Lovins’ prescription is like asking the crew and passengers of an airplane that has been struck by lightning to collaborate and share knowledge and energies to assess how to bring the plane to a safe landing, while it is plummeting to Earth. It’s a nice idea, but I think it’s a little late for that. |
HOWLING AT A WANING MOON
![]() Yesterday I stumbled on a new environmental blog called Howling at a Waning Moon, by Colorado’s Bob Whitson, a passionate, thorough, prolific review of all the actions that Bush is taking (and not taking) that are leading to environmental deterioration in the US and worldwide. This is your one-stop source for all environmental news — to the point, factual, beautifully and informatively illustrated with pointed accompanying commmentary. An impressive and damning litany of the Bush regime for anyone who has doubts, or wants ammunition showing, that getting rid of this man is an absolute priority for anyone who cares about our environment, our children’s future, and the future of life on Earth. You can subscribe to the RSS feed or get the news by e-mail digest. |
May 29, 2004
CANADA’S FEDERAL ELECTION
![]() On June 28, just a month from now, Canada goes to the polls to elect a new government. The situation is very volatile, with the ‘sponsorship scandal’ — a scam uncovered by the Auditor General that allowed a group of civil servants to defraud the government of millions of dollars, that has been going on for years under the noses of the asleep-at-the-wheel Liberals in power, is being exploited by the opposition parties, who of course are implying there was knowledge and complicity at the highest levels of Cabinet. The impact has been greatest in QuÈbec, where voters really only have two choices, the Liberals or the separatist Bloc QuÈbecois, and recent polls suggest the fickle voters there could deliver 80% of Canada’s second most populous province’s 75 seats to the separatists. Current standings (see map above) are: Liberals 168 (of which 95 are from Ontario and 37 from QuÈbec), Conservative/Reform 73 (almost all from Canada’s four Western provinces), Bloc QuÈbecois 33 (all from QuÈbec), New Democratic Party 14, Independent or Vacant 13. Based on the latest opinion polls, projected standings would be: Liberals 143, Conservative/Reform 85, Bloc QuÈbecois 60, NDP 20. A majority government will require 155 seats. Minority governments have been, in my opinion, the best governments in Canada’s history, since they have required the support of the left-wing NDP, which has used its leverage to force introduction of much of Canada’s socially progressive legislation. So ironically, the scandal, by weakening the Liberals, could actually produce a more liberal, progressive government. The Conservative/Reform party, which recently merged two right-wing parties, is under the leadership of Stephen Harper, a (in my opinion) dangerous arch-right-wing ideologue who once advocated Western separatism, wants to dismantle much of the federal government and shift power to the provinces, and likes US-style privatization, two-tier social services and tax cuts for the rich. Like the previous Mulroney Conservatives, this bunch of nutcakes is ready to strike a devil’s bargain with the lefty QuÈbec separatists, who they loathe, but who share their desire to devolve power to the provinces. It is frightening to think that these two anti-federalist regional parties (the Conservative/Reform in Western Canada and the Bloc in QuÈbec) could get within striking distance of electoral power in a month, even though they would, combined, have less than 40% of the votes. Because Canada, like the US, has the antiquated and unfair “first past the post” electoral system (rather than proportional representation like much of Europe), this could lead to a great deal of “strategic voting” in this election. A hugely unpopular, right-wing, misnamed “Liberal” government in British Columbia, which has 34 seats up for grabs, has galvanized angry opposition in that province around the NDP, which could see its 2 seats in that province jump to 20 or more, with a mere 10% shift in popular vote — showing the absurdity of this system. If Ontario, which has only 4 Conservative MPs now, is sufficiently appalled by the parochialism and extreme right-wing views of the new Reform-dominated Conservatives (and the horrible memories of Mulroney, who is actively campaigning for Harper) to hold their noses and re-elect almost entirely Liberals, we could end up with a totally fractured vote: Almost all Liberals in Ontario, almost all Bloc in QuÈbec, almost all NDP in BC and Manitoba, and almost all Conservatives in Alberta and Saskatchewan. The net result would still be a Liberal-NDP coalition government, but would leave much of the country virtually unrepresented in the Cabinet. Because the Canadian television networks have again conspired (outrageously) to exclude the Green Party from the Leadership Debates, even though the Greens have about 5% of the popular vote and (unlike the Bloc) run candidates in every riding, the Greens will again be unable to get enough media attention (and hence public credibility) to elect a single MP. By contrast, if we had proportional representation in Canada, based on the latest opinion polls, the Greens would get 15 seats, the NDP would get 48, and the Liberals would get only 108 (the Conservative/Reform Party would get 78 and the Bloc only 45; other small parties would get the remaining 14 seats). This would give the Liberals and NDP combined only a one-seat majority, and they would probably need to include the Green Party in the coalition to provide some room for error. I would be so proud to live in a country with a Green Party Minister of the Environment! Alas, this is not to be. Instead, we’ll be forced to vote strategically for the less offensive candidate (i.e. one of two in most ridings) who has a chance to be elected. In my exurban Ontario riding, those candidates are two right-wing small-town conservatives (the not-really Liberal has distributed anti-gay campaign literature, and the Conservative is a hard-core ‘family values’ nut). Tweedledum and Tweedledee. The Green Party candidate, Ted Alexander, is a great guy, with more smarts, ideas and business acumen than the two big-party peanut-brains combined, but he doesn’t have a prayer of winning. Hobson’s Choice again. *Sigh*. Great Canadian Political/Election Links: PlanetVote Canada — complete election portal with a progressive slant UBC Political Library — detailed political profiles, links, histories, coverage of alternative voting systems Globe Election Poll — scrolling graphic trendline of weekly polls with commentary BlogsCanada Political Site — Jim Elve’s list of Canadian political blogs (I’m there!) and other useful sites Fair Vote Canada — Proportional representation advocacy site |
May 28, 2004
THAT’S AWFULLY PERSONAL: THE HOUSE AFLAME
![]() Here are my answers to this week’s That’s Awfully Personal questions:
If you’re interested in playing That’s Awfully Personal each week, the questions, and a complete explanation, can be found here. |
THAT’S AWFULLY PERSONAL – WEEK OF MAY 28
Welcome to the first edition of That’s Awfully Personal, an opportunity for blog writers and readers to reveal a little more about themselves than might normally happen during the daily blogging process, and hence get to know each other a bit better. It’s a little like the late, great Friday Five, but more challenging. Each week our Awfully Personal Panel will post one or more new questions for you to answer on your blog, or in the comment space below if you don’t have a blog.
For more on how That’s Awfully Personal works, please see the How to Play section below. Here are this week’s Awfully Personal Questions:
How to Play “That’s Awfully Personal”:
|
May 27, 2004
ISRAEL VS. PALESTINE: THE INTRACTABLE, ENDLESS WAR
Things are usually the way they are for a reason. But there are few situations in the world that appear, from a distance, as unreasonable as the war between Israel and Palestine, a war that has been going on, in essence, without let-up for more than half a century. At one point the efforts to reach a peace settlement got so close to success that the negotiators on each side received Nobel Peace prizes for their efforts. But the dream didn’t last, and for reasons we couldn’t fathom, the cycle of bloodshed, escalation and retaliation cranked up again and is now at firestorm levels, threatening to push the entire Mideast into even more cataclysmic violence.
The reason we couldn’t fathom this, is because we’ve never lived there, never walked a mile in their shoes. In The New Yorker this week, Jeffrey Goldberg provides us with an excellent proxy for such an experience, as he crisscrosses the area, from Israel’s “ideologues of aggressive settlement” to Palestinian mothers teaching their children the honour of death in the holy war against the Jews, describing what he sees and what he hears from those in power, and from those who have nothing. It is a gut-wrenching, depressing journey. You’ll need to buy the May 31 edition to read it, and I would recommend it highly. Alternatively, you can listen to Goldberg summarize his findings, along with a slide show of photos by Gilles Peress, here. One of those photos, of a Palestinian woman peering through a temporary gap in the new Israeli Separation Wall, is reproduced above. Goldberg makes no secret of his personal view of all this: The leaders of the Jewish national-religious camp do not adhere to observable reality, They exist in the glorious Jewish past and in the messianic future but not in the reality of today, in which Jewish soldiers give their lives to protect settlements; in which Palestinians live and die at checkpoints; in which Israel is becoming a pariah among the nations; and in which Israel may one day cease to exist as a democratic Jewish state.
[Michael Tarazi, legal advisor to the Palestinian negotiating team says] “Settlements are the vanguard of binationalism” — a single state that would soon have an Arab majority. “I don’t care if they build more. The longer they stay out there, the more Israel will appear to the world to be essentially an apartheid state.”… “We have to look at the way the South Africans did it. The world is increasingly intolerant of the Zionist idea. We have to capture the imagination of the world. We have to make this an argument about apartheid.” The view of the moderate majority on both sides is that the best of a sorry lot of options is to have Israel dismantle the settlements and withdraw from the pathetic Gaza Strip and the volatile West Bank, to the so-called Green Line, the UN-brokered treaty line after the last “official” war. But that majority view is very fragile, and violently opposed by a significant minority on both sides. The settlements in the occupied territories are the flash-point, where hugely outnumbered Jews, many of them vehemently anti-Arab, provocative, and uncompromising, are surrounded by largely militant Palestinians ready to lay down their lives to reclaim “their homeland”, and protected by an Israeli army that has ceased being protectors and become an army of occupation, many of whom are all too willing to demonstrate violently which side they support, as Goldberg reports. There are no good guys and bad guys in this war, and every confrontation, of which there are thousands, at every checkpoint, every attack by Arab militants (many of them children), every razing of Palestinian homes to make way for more Iraqi settlements, every suicide bombing, radicalizes both sides and renders the position of the moderate majority untenable. The extremists on both sides, outnumbered though they may be, are firmly in control of the political agenda, and their every provocative act strengthens their position rather than ostracizing them. The “ideologues of aggressive settlement” on the Israeli side, and especially in the settlements, largely believe that all of the occupied territories are theirs by divine right, and that it is the will of God that all Arabs be expelled from their holy land in its entirety — that, as their website says, “There is no Palestine”. And the militants and zealots on the Palestinian side, among the poorest and most destitute people on the face of the Earth, and with one of the highest birth rates, state categorically that they would not stop fighting if Israel withdrew from Gaza and the West Bank, but would merely be encouraged to continue the war until all Jews were extinguished from their holy land. The rabidly intolerant have the will and the ready means to scuttle every attempt at compromise, to embarrass moderates, to incite violence and then say “I told you so.” There is nothing particularly unique in this, of course. Many of the tribal wars in Africa, the ethnic wars in the Balkan states, and the insane religious war in Northern Ireland, exhibit the same shameful, and shameless, pattern of violence and intransigence. The next, inevitable attack by Islamic fundamentalists on US soil will surely produce the same knee-jerk result in the US, and launch another war to treat the symptoms and exacerbate the disease. Ariel Sharon, less moderate than most but less extreme than the extremists, has taken an impossible ‘middle’ course sure to satisfy no one: Withdraw from Gaza, kind of (there are a host of conditions that render the withdrawal largely a joke to Palestinians), and bulldoze Palestinian homes to build a mammoth wall, not along the Green Line but deep inside the West Bank to “protect” the Jewish settlements, which are everywhere, not just in the border areas. The partisan, bipartisan support he has received in the US shows how little America’s leaders understand the realities of the area’s politics. As I’ve said before, the only answer, and it will take decades, perhaps centuries to achieve, is to deal with the underlying humanitarian issues, to give Palestinians a reason to value peace, “something to lose”, and help them build infrastructure and educational institutions, and a future to believe in. Poverty, ignorance and inequality, not religious and ethnic hatred, are the real enemies of peace. It doesn’t matter whether the area is partitioned into two states, fairly or unfairly, or made into a single apartheid state. Things are the way they are for a reason, and in Israel-Palestine the reason is entrenched, and there is no short-term answer. No matter who represents the two sides, there will be decades of violence, war, and bloodshed to come, and it is inexcusable and ignorant of those of us who don’t live there to take sides for cynical political gain. Let us instead — as we should be doing in Afghanistan, Iraq, and all the other areas we have recklessly meddled in, in the absurd and arrogant belief that we understand the problems and have all the answers — let us instead invest in infrastructure, in education, in building a better world even as the zealous minorities try to tear it apart. The founders of the religions we all claim to believe in would surely understand, and nod in assent. |
May 26, 2004
THINKING LIKE NATURE: WILLIAM MCDONOUGH REDESIGNS THE WORLD
Virginia reader Myke Myers kindly brought to my attention the work of his fellow Virginian William McDonough. McDonough is an architect and designer who has garnered a lot of press for his bold yet pragmatic view of design. In a recent interview with New Scientist he says:
Consider this: all the ants on the planet, taken together, have a biomass greater than that of humans. Ants have been incredibly industrious for millions of years, yet their productiveness nourishes plants, animals and soil. Human industry has been in full swing for little more than a century, yet it has brought about a decline in almost every ecosystem on the planet. Nature doesn’t have a design problem. People do…
The Earth’s natural systems can probably support a few hundred million of our species, but soon there could be 10 billion of us… Eco-efficiency, where you try to reduce everything to zero, is not much fun. And nature itself is not that efficient. It’s effective. Take a cherry tree in the spring. It’s not efficient – how many blossoms does it need to regenerate? But it is effective: it makes cherries. We celebrate the cherry tree not for its efficiency, but for its effectiveness – and for its beauty. Its materials are in constant flow, and all those thousands of useless cherry blossoms look gorgeous. Then they fall to the ground and become soil again, so there’s no problem. We can celebrate abundance where it is ecologically intelligent. From my designer’s perspective, I ask: why can’t I design a building like a tree? A building that makes oxygen, fixes nitrogen, sequesters carbon, distils water, builds soil, accrues solar energy as fuel, makes complex sugars and food, creates microclimates, changes colours with the seasons and self-replicates. This is using nature as a model and a mentor, not an inconvenience. It’s a delightful prospect. When I’m working with business people I talk business. We talk about how much money can be made or saved, because that gets their attention. We never try to convert someone who is calcified: we never try to teach mules to play the violin. It sounds terrible and the mules don’t like it. McDonough maintains four websites: His firm’s, his partnership’s, his own, and his intelligent design site. The sites are as effectively designed as his buildings — easy to browse, productive, engaging, and advancing the cause (the media are invited to select from ready-to-plagiarize materials that simplify writing about McDonough or his businesses). He’s won awards as a visionary and environmentalist, and his firm’s designs have won awards for eco-efficiency. And he’s written a book, Cradle to Cradle (itself made of recyclable polypropylene, not paper), with colleague Michael Braungart, that explains the vision that underlies all his work. It is, simply: Learn from, and imitate, nature — nature knows how to design and build things right, everything recycled, zero waste. This is the kind of thinking we need — assuming we can somehow solve the fact that there are at least ten times as many people on the planet as it can healthily support, and that our culture, and its political, legal and economic systems are utterly dependent on an unsustainable concentration of wealth, abuse of power, ever-accelerating growth in consumption of resources, and subjugation of human will and dignity. McDonough calls himself an optimist, and thinks we can turn everything around by just redesigning our world. But I think sooner or later in this century, whether we solve the population and culture problems quickly and intelligently, or go crashing into the wall of eco-catastrophe, we are going to need to radically redesign and rebuild our culture, our economy, and our social systems. We can only hope that with guidance from people like William McDonough — and also listening to nature and our own instincts — we will design and build the next human culture more responsibly and intelligently than we did the current one. So that those of us lucky enough to live in that brave new world will know only balance, beauty, harmony, abundance and peace. Just as our ancestors lived for three million years before we invented civilization, and just as every other species on our world has always done. Imagine. |
May 25, 2004
MEDIA SPIN AND ITS IMPACT ON PUBLIC OPINION
Ira Basen, a producer with the CBC and a friend of mine from Carleton University days, is writing a book on media spin, a term often used interchangeably with bias. But Ira says spin is actually subtler and more insidious. It is the shading of meaning or interpretation of events in favour of a particular point of view, and it is sometimes inadvertent or even unconscious. There are several ways spin will creep into a story, including:
There are other ‘spin’ techniques, of course, such as Failure to present opposing interpretations of the facts, Giving credibility to unidentified and unsubstantiated sources (“One senior former official said”, “Saddam was believed to have…”) and Assuming facts without evidence (e.g. most of what we read about WMD), but I think these are the most common and most insidious. Let’s take a look at a case study. Before you read the following article, please note — this is important — It is slamming the media’s spin in handling the Clinton Administration for its bombing of Sudan, before 9/11 and before the recent wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Now, please read this article. It’s long, and a bit strident, but worth the read. Finished? Did you shudder a bit when you read, in an article written about Clinton in 1998, “Is bin Laden’s new assignment perhaps to be a bogey-man of convenience whom the U.S. government can link to any government it wishes to bomb?” With the benefit of hindsight (and the opposing political party in power) it’s easy to see the incredible spin in the venerable Times’ reporting in 1998, and to see that to some extent this ubiquitous media spin contributed to the overwhelming bipartisan approval for the US to launch a war against Afghanistan, against precisely the people we had supported and financed earlier in their war against the USSR, the enemy of that earlier day. I confess that I had few misgivings about war with the Taliban, despite the fact that I am a life-long pacifist. Why? Because nowhere (except the discredited extreme conspiracy-theorist papers) were we presented with spin-free reporting (or opposite-spin reporting, if you think spin-free reporting is an oxymoron) on what exactly was, and had been, going on in Afghanistan, and why things were the way they were. There is almost always a rational explanation for things that appear absurd or unreasonable in the absence of the facts. We are just now beginning to realize the degree to which our money and support made the Taliban both popular and tyrannical in Afghanistan. And still we are missing most of the facts about that country, and about Iraq. The facts, alas, are not the same as the news. The media’s job is to report the news, not to dig up the facts. Investigative journalism is what we desperately need, but there is no money in that, surprisingly little demand for it, and precious few willing to take the enormous risks to pursue that thankless career. It’s easy to take sides, especially when the current US administration is so unapologetically propagandizing (i.e. deliberately and systematically spinning) every issue it deals with, to a degree not seen since the Vietnam War. But the reality is that the media, taken as a whole, are neither liberal nor conservative. The political position of each media outlet on any given issue is somewhere in the middle of (a) the position of its editorial board, (b) its perception of the position of the ‘average’ reader/viewer, (c) the position of the reporters covering the story, and (d) the position of the people presenting the story (usually the administration of the day). That means that to right-wingnuts like this guy, the media will always appear liberal, and to unabashed left-wingers like me, the media will always appear conservative. But the truth is, at least in their story reporting (editorials and schlock talk radio aside), there is no vast media ‘conspiracy’ at either end of the political spectrum. Most people in the media are doing their best to do their jobs in a way that balances the views of the above four ‘interest groups’. They are vulnerable to the spin techniques listed above — if you’ve ever interviewed someone, you’ll appreciate that unless you’re really treated abusively there’s an earnest desire to represent what they had to say clearly, favourably, but above all objectively. To the extent they get it right, they deserve a lot of credit — it’s a difficult, thankless, often dangerous and tedious job. To the extent they, and their editors, let spin creep into their stories, we have a duty as readers and viewers and citizens to recognize it, and discount it accordingly. The fact that so many of us are using the Internet to learn more, to check out other interpretations of events, and to get behind the stories so we can understand and talk about the issues facing our world more knowledgeably, we are contributing to the democratic process, and helping to reduce spin. At the same time, there is a tendency in the blogosphere to frequent sites authored and populated by like minds, and some of the hysterics of extremists of every stripe are quite frightening. My blog wears its left-spinning, overtly editorial stripes quite proudly and unapologetically, but I make a point of reading a few of the more moderate conservative blogs on each new issue, and occasionally some of the bizarre extreme leftist blogs — because the danger of exposing yourself to a lot of spin is that, if you’re not careful, you can find yourself permanently off-balance. And as we all know, “fair and balanced” is another term that’s subject to a lot of spin. George O. must be ‘spinning’ in his grave. |


The same day I posted my article about William McDonough, reader Brian Dear pointed out the work that Amory Lovins of the Rocky Mountain Institute has been doing in much the same vein. Lovins, with colleagues Paul Hawken and L. Hunter Lovins, wrote a (fully downloadable) book entitled 



T
Virginia reader Myke Myers kindly brought to my attention the work of his fellow Virginian William McDonough. McDonough is an architect and designer who has garnered a lot of press for his bold yet pragmatic view of design. In a recent interview with New Scientist he says:
Ira Basen, a producer with the CBC and a friend of mine from Carleton University days, is writing a book on


